A SINGLE STATE SOLUTION
Einstein, Zionism and Israel: Setting the Record Straight
[followed by A Tribute to Albert Einstein, by Roger Tucker]
Dr. Mohammad Omar Farooq, Associate Professor of Economics and Finance, Upper Iowa University Updated: July 2006
That Einstein was a Zionist is a myth perpetuated by the pro-Israel media. Their motive behind an unqualified portrayal of Einstein as Zionist and pro-Israel--to distort public perception of him, is understandable. The tactics and methods of such distortion of reality in regard to Israel, and its allies or adversaries, are quite well-known. Since Einstein was undeniably one of the most towering figures of the 20th century's scientific community, his endorsement for political Zionism and Israel is an enormous political capital to pass up. But more importantly, if he was not portrayed as a pro-Israel Zionist, people most likely would be curious about his real views. Such curiosity-and follow-up knowledge--could incur significant liability against political Zionism and Israel. To prevent this, exploitation of the mighty Zionist media seemed most convenient, to propagate ad nauseam what is contrary to the truth, create a MYTH about the connection between Einstein and Zionism (political, to be specific) and suppress all information contrary to that which is put out by that media. It's a fortress almost impossible to break through.
In this age of internet, try searching ("all the words" option) for Einstein and Zionism or Einstein and Israel; you'll find that almost all relevant entries at the top present Einstein as pro-Zionism, pro-Israel, with no distinction among types of Zionism. If the searcher did not seek beyond customarily available data, if he did no additional due diligence, he would easily remain outside of the fortress. For example, if you did that search using Google, the top entry would be something like "Albert Einstein on Zionism". If you click on it, you would be at and it would flash a quote by Einstein saying: "Zionism springs from an even deeper motive than Jewish suffering. It is rooted in a Jewish spiritual tradition whose maintenance and development are for Jews the basis of their continued existence as a community." Notable is the absence of a citation or reference, which is unusual. It is possible they want you to read the quote but not see its context. It is also likely the context might have information damaging to the bulwark of Zionism. (2)
Below are some samplers from online and other sources:
"Another important aspect of Einstein's politics during the 1920s was a strong belief in Zionism. Einstein was drawn to the Zionist cause as a result of the influence of Chaim Weizmann, a Russian Jew who had recently persuaded the British government to issue the famous Balfour Declaration, declaring its full support for the establishment of a national home for the Jewish people in Palestine." [Spark Notes: "Pacifism and Zionism"]
"The two social movements that received his full support were pacifism and Zionism. During World War I he was one of a handful of German academics willing to publicly decry Germany's involvement in the war. After the war his continued public support of pacifist and Zionist goals made him the target of vicious attacks by anti-Semitic and right-wing elements in Germany. … While continuing his efforts on behalf of world Zionism, Einstein renounced his former pacifist stand in the face of the awesome threat to humankind posed by the Nazi regime in Germany." [Samuel Zwetchkenbaum, Albert Einstein, 1879-1955]
"When the greatest scientist of our age died on April 18, 1956, at the age of seventy-six, the [New York] Times in the course of its eulogy referred to 'Israel, whose establishment as a state he had championed.' ... In late March 1972 the New York Times published ... a three-column photograph of Einstein with Israeli Premier David Ben-Gurion, and the caption read: 'Einstein papers tell of scientist's efforts toward the creation of Israel.' [Lilienthal, p. 340]
Thus, it's hardly surprising that many Muslims in general and Arab Muslims in particular not only endorse that media-touted distortion/myth, but some would go even further to condemn Einstein. On one hand I was prompted to add a little bit more to my personal research on the relationship between Einstein and Zionism, attributed by those who seek to capitalize on his fame for their partisan/nationalist agendas; on the other, between Einstein and racism flung by those who'd like to condemn him as "racist," due to his ties to Zionism.
I was disturbed by some messages on Bangladeshi forums, except Shetubondhon (meaning, bridge-building), pointing to him as "racist" and "Zionist". Regardless, characterization of Einstein as "racist" or "Zionist" may simply showcase the Zionist media's effectiveness in sustaining the MYTH.
As a Muslim I seek no misinformation, ill-information, or ignorance about my faith. Of course, I have a better chance of expecting it from others, if others can expect no less from me as a Muslim. As a Muslim I am also duty-bound to act consistently in regard to others - Jews, Christians, Hindus, Agnostics, or Atheists.
"O ye who believe! stand out firmly for justice, as witnesses to God, even as against yourselves, or your parents, or your kin, and whether it be (against) rich or poor: for Allah can best protect both. Follow not the lusts (of your hearts), lest ye swerve, and if ye distort (justice) or decline to do justice, verily Allah is well-acquainted with all that ye do." [al-Qur'an/4/an-Nisa/135]
Hence I wanted to avail of this opportunity after seeing recent discussions referring to Einstein, by contributing some material online to set the record straight. I did not find any well researched material online that challenges persisting distortions about Einstein. Yet based on my previous readings I remembered him differently.
I am no expert in this field. However, to update this essay I have gone beyond what others have said about Einstein. Einstein's own words and actions should be the most relevant basis, to help us understand what Zionism was to him and how he was linked with it. His own words are faithfully presented in this essay.
Zionism and its many shades
But let's first explore the concept and movement of Zionism and its various shades. Zionism is a catch-all label, which lends itself to misuse and misrepresentation.
"There are many 'Zionisms' - religious, political, and cultural - all of which have in common the desire to see Jews from around the world settled permanently in a homeland in Palestine, the historical land of Israel. Religious Zionists believe that the gathering together of world Jewry into the land of Israel will fulfill biblical prophecy and bring on the millennium. Political Zionists seeks to build a nation state for the Jewish people, and cultural Zionists seek to strengthen Jewish cultural identity within their historic homeland. Jews who are not Zionists either oppose the existence of the Jewish state for religious reasons (they believe that Israel cannot come into being before the Messiah arrives) or for political reasons (as citizens of various nations they cannot give their primarily allegiance to a Jewish state, or do not wish to be associated with an expansionism that drives the Palestinians from their traditional home)."
There is little doubt Einstein was a religious Zionist. But was he also a political Zionist or a cultural Zionist? Before addressing these questions, establishing specificity of meaning for both political Zionism and cultural Zionism would seem critical.
"Political Zionism was emancipated West European Jewry's response to the pervasiveness of anti-Semitism and to the failure of the enlightenment to alter the status of the Jew. Its objective was the establishment of a Jewish homeland in any available territory--not necessarily in Palestine--through cooperation with the Great Powers." [Library of Congress_1]
Gradually, Political Zionism became identified with Theodore Herzl. By 1897 World Zionist Organization was established and it had a new focus. Political Zionism wasn't interested in a Jewish homeland just anywhere in the world, but in Palestine only. [Library of Congress_1] Political Zionism was nationalistic in essence.
Cultural Zionism is another form of Zionism.
"The counterpoint to Herzl's political Zionism was provided by Asher Ginsberg, better known by his pen name Ahad HaAm (One of the People). HaAm ... was the son of a Hasidic rabbi. ... His views on Zionism were rooted in the changing nature of Jewish communal life in Eastern Europe. HaAm realized that a new meaning to Jewish life would have to be found for the younger generation of East European Jews who were revolting against traditional Jewish practice. Whereas Jews in the West could participate in and benefit from a secular culture, Jews in the East were oppressed. While Herzl focused on the plight of Jews alone, HaAm was also interested in the plight of Judaism, which could no longer be contained within the limits of traditional religion.
Ahad HaAm's solution was cultural Zionism: the establishment in Palestine of small settlements aimed at reviving the Jewish spirit and culture in the modern world. In the cultural Zionist vision, a small number of Jewish cadres well versed in Jewish culture and speaking Hebrew would settle in Palestine. Ahad HaAm believed that by settling in that ancient land, religious Jews would replace their metaphysical attachment to the Holy Land with a new Hebrew cultural renaissance. Palestine and the Hebrew language were important not because of their religious significance but because they had been an integral part of the Jewish people's history and cultural heritage." [Library of Congress_2]
After Herzl's death in 1904, "the mantle of Zionism was carried by the cultural Zionists led by Ahad HaAm and his close colleague, Chaim Weizmann." [Library of Congress_2]
"... the centrality of ethics to Judaism was made an intellectual staple by the widely read Hebrew essayist writing under the name Ahad HaAm (Asher Ginzberg, 1856-1927). His Zionism envisioned the Jewish homeland serving as a 'spiritual center' for worldwide Jewry. By 'spiritual' he meant nothing religious since he was a committed secularist. An uncompromising elitist, Ahad HaAm believed the human spirit could only by fulfilled in high cultural creativity. He therefore wanted the Jewish people to return to their land to revive an authentic Jewish culture. In this, Jewish ethics would have to play a vital role since he insisted that the Jews had a special national gift for ethics, one their reestablished cultural independence would clearly make manifest. In equating Jewish nationalism with high ethical attainment, Ahad HaAm was exceptional among the early theoreticians of Zionism -- the reason, observers suggest, that he is no longer considered relevant by most Israeli intellectuals." [Borrowitz, 1991]
HaAm [d. 1927] was known as the icon of "spiritual Zionism" or "cultural Zionism" and opposed to political Zionism of Herzl. Except for some orthodox non-Zionist (or even anti-Zionism) Jews, as represented for example by Neturei Karta International, all shades of Zionism (religious, political, cultural, spiritual) converged to secure a homeland or settlement for the Jewish people, to which a Jew from anywhere in the world could migrate. That's the common denominator for all the Zionists.
Einstein, Zionism and Israel: Excerpts from the work of Dr. Alfred Lilienthal
Before we explore what Einstein himself has said, let us take a look at what others have to reflect on this. One of the persons who has written extensively about distortions regarding Einstein's connection with Zionism and Israel is Dr. Alfred Lillienthal. He was an American Jewish scholar. His book "The Zionist Connection: What Price Peace?" is a monumental and authoritative work on Zionism and Israel. The book also deals with Einstein's connection with Zionism and the Israel.
In this segment excerpts from Dr. Lillienthal's book are reproduced, which also contain some quotes from Einstein. The 850+ page book is a must read for anyone seeking to understand the Zionism, Israel, modern media, the Middle East, US political apparatus and much more. Lilienthal thoroughly documents all references.
According to Lilienthal, many American Jews did not envision Israel as an exclusivist Zionist entity. Point of note and also in contrast, despite his wholehearted support for the Jews to reclaim their dignity and security, Einstein was a universalist.
"For their part, American Jews have sincerely believed they were safeguarding the very existence of their coreligionists in Israel, never dreaming it was Zionist exclusivism for which they were giving their dollars, political support, and moral aid, and betraying their single loyalty to their own country.
And today, when the thesis of binationalism is raised by Arabs in advancing their rights to a Palestinian state and in calling for a secular pluralistic Israel, the Jews in America see this only as a threat 'to destroy the State of Israel.' They see no reason why there should be, nor do they believe there can be, a de-Zionization or restructuring of the Israeli state, in line with the universal thesis of Judaism and the thinking of universalists such as Magnes, Buber, Einstein, and others." [p. 152]
Despite being an eminent newspaper, the New York Times' Zionist bias is all too well known. Lilienthal provides a detailed account of NYT's role in "kidnapping of Einstein for Israel."
"I also personally endeavored to set the Times' record straight on one rather important matter--the exploitation of Dr. Albert Einstein by the Zionist movement. When the greatest scientist of our age died on April 18, 1956, at the age of seventy-six, the Times in the course of its eulogy referred to 'Israel, whose establishment as a state he had championed.' This 'kidnapping' of Einstein for Israel was one of the most extraordinary coups ever perpetrated by any political group anywhere, but with the help of the omnipotent Times anything is possible. The great mathematician had vigorously opposed the creation of the State of Israel, but a myth to the contrary has been widely spawned by the media, and was repeated sixteen years later.
In late March 1972 the New York Times published a series of articles dealing with the life and thought of Albert Einstein as allegedly revealed in the collection of his manuscripts, letters, and other papers, which were to be published by his estate. The third of the series included on the front page a three-column photograph of Einstein with Israeli Premier David Ben-Gurion, and the caption read: 'Einstein papers tell of scientist's efforts toward the creation of Israel.' The article further referred 'to his long efforts in behalf of the creation of a Jewish national state and of his sad refusal' to accept the Presidency upon the death of Chaim Weizmann.
Einstein, despite the Time's incessant recitals to the contrary, clearly opposed the creation of the State of Israel. A clear understanding of the position taken on Palestine by the great mathematician, himself a refugee from Nazi Germany, will not only set the record straight and correct journalistic inaccuracies, but is most relevant to the continuing quest for a just peace in the Middle East." [pp. 340-341]
What was really Einstein's view regarding the creation of the State of Israel? Dr. Lilienthal went to Princeton to see Einstein and pose the question directly to him.
"Then, in 1952, in a message to a 'Children to Palestine' dinner, Einstein spoke of the necessity of curbing 'a kind of nationalism which has arisen in Israel if only to permit a friendly and fruitful co-existence with the Arabs.' When this portion of the Einstein message was censored in the organization's press release so as to impart the impression of all-out support Israel, I went to Princeton to seek the Professor's views on the incident. Einstein then told me that he had never been a Zionist and had never favored the creation of the State of Israel.
It was then that he also told me of a significant conversation with Weizmann. Einstein had asked him: 'What of the Arabs if Palestine were given to the Jews?' And Weizmann replied: 'What Arabs? They are hardly of any consequence.' " [p. 341]
Einstein continued to remain engaged with enterprises and activities, including in Israel, which were akin to cultural Zionism.
"In subsequent years he vigorously supported many Israeli cultural activities, in particular the Hebrew University and the Weizmann Institute, to which he was deeply dedicated. According to biographer Dr. Philip Frank, the professor had a 'good hearted weakness' and was hesitant to rebuke Zionists for their frequent manipulations of his views and unauthorized use of his name in order to enhance their prestige and fill their political Zionism helped confuse the American press.
In his modest manner, he publicly declined the Israeli Presidency, as Weizmann's successor, on the given grounds that he was not qualified in the area of human relationships. But, in fact, that acceptance of high office in nationalist Israel was hardly in keeping with the basic philosophy of this great humanist and universalist." [pp. 341-342]
Misrepresentation of Einstein by news spinners of the American media was all too common.
"Attempts to tie the renowned scientist to political Zionism continued. First there were the welter of public tributes from Israeli and Zionist leaders, published at the time of his death. And two weeks later in a story prominently published by the Times, the Israeli Consul in New York claimed that Einstein had been preparing a laudatory speech for nationwide television in commemoration of the seventh anniversary of Israel. Not only was the evidence of Einstein's Zionist intent scarcely substantiated, but it was in direct conflict with the professor's last statement about the Israeli state, given in an interview with Dorothy Schiff, pro-Israel publisher of the New York Post. She quoted him as saying: 'We had great hopes for Israel at first. We thought that it might be better than other nations, but it is no better.'" [p. 342]
Einstein's ideas about the creation of Israel were similar to Dr. Judah Magnes', President of Hebrew University.
"In the third of its articles on Einstein, the Times nevertheless repeated the myth of his support of the creation of Israel without indicating any new proof. Were the good professor alive today, there is every reason to believe that he would be in the forefront of those condemning the deprivation of the rights of the Palestinian Arabs. As far back as January 28, 1930, Einstein had warned in the Palestinian newspaper Falastin that 'oppressive nationalism must be conquered' and that he could 'see a future for Palestine only on the basis of peaceful cooperation between the two peoples who are at home in the country . . . come together they must in spite of all.' And from the outset he had fully supported the idea of Dr. Judah Magnes, President of Hebrew University, of an Arab-Jewish binational state. In a letter to the Times with Rabbi Leo Baeck of Germany, he wrote: 'Besides the fact that they [Magnes and his followers] speak for a much wider circle of inarticulate people, they speak in the name of principles which have been the most significant contribution of the Jewish people to humanity.' Such statements are hardly consonant with the Times' allegation of the scientist's support of the creation of a Zionist state." [p. 342]
Lilienthal's encounter with New York Times in exposing the myth about Einstein's support for, and championing of, the creation of the Zionist State of Israel is quite revealing.
"The Times' revival of this Einstein mythology led me to call Op-Ed page editor Harrison E. Salisbury and suggest that it would be appropriate for him to run a piece presenting the true views of the learned scientist on this subject. Although every type of opinion has been presented on this important page. Salisbury refused to commission such an article, as is customarily done. He stated he would be happy to look at the finished product if it were written on speculation.
Even this I did, and here is his letter rejecting the article, the substance of which has been set forth in the above pages: 'I'm sorry to say that we decided against your article concerning Professor Einstein. As I told you when we discussed this matter on the telephone, I was dubious about the idea of elaborating on this particular aspect of Dr. Einstein's career, and I confess on reading the article my feeling was strengthened. You may feel that I overstate the case, but it would seem to the casual reader like myself that Dr. Einstein's views, as one might expect, underwent a series of changes over the years and the picture does not come out so strongly in your article as to compel its publication.'
How possibly could any subsequent Einstein 'change over the years' -- and his basic attitude toward political Zionism never altered on iota--affect what he did or did not do about the creation of Israel, an act which took place in 1948? The cultural Zionism in which Einstein believed was a far cry from Jewish nationalism embodied in the Zionist State of Israel, which he decried to his very death in 1956." [pp. 342-343]
Lilienthal's work definitively exposes the myth about Einstein's "championing" of or support for the creation of Israel. Though facts stand on their own merit, some people might remain unconvinced, because after all Lilienthal was an anti-Zionism Jew. By the way, not all Jews are for Zionism or the State of Israel. [Some Links: Neturei Karta International; JewishSpeak; Self-Hating Jews]
Einstein's own words regarding Zionism and Israel
Einstein was a Jew, deeply proud of his heritage, and empathic toward the Jewish struggle and suffering throughout the history. His personal experience of this struggle and what he observed especially in Europe reawakened his Jewish identity, brought closer to the collective struggle for a Jewish solution.
In A Letter to Professor Dr. Hellpach, Minister of State (1929), published in his Ideas and Opinions, Einstein wrote:
"I have read your article on Zionism and the Zurich Congress and feel, as a strong devotee of the Zionist idea, that I must answer you, even if only shortly. … I realized that salvation was only possible for the living society to which he as an individual might rejoice to belong and which might enable him to bear the hatred and the humiliations that he has put up with from the rest of the world." [P. 171]
"Then I realized that only a common enterprise dear to the heart of Jews all over the world could restore this people to health. It was a great achievement of Herzl's to have realized and proclaimed at the top of his voice that, the traditional attitude of the Jews being what it was, the establishment of a national home or, more accurately, a center in Palestine, was a suitable object on which to concentrate our efforts.
All this you call nationalism, and there is something in the accusation. But a communal purpose without which we can neither live nor die in this hostile world can always be called by that ugly name. In any case it is a nationalism whose aim is not power but dignity and health. If we did not have to live among intolerant, narrow-minded, and violent people, I should be the first to throw over all nationalism in favor of universal humanity." [p. 172]
In the above letter, Einstein seems to identify with Herzl. He even seems to assume a nationalistic tone. However, please note that he unreservedly declares his preference for "universal humanity" against anything "intolerant, narrow-minded, and violent." In 1929, Jews were still at the receiving end of that intolerance and violence.
By that time struggle to secure a homeland for the Jews was crystallized, and the campaign intensified. However, to Einstein, this struggle or campaign was not to be at the expense of the Arabs or Palestinians. He wasn't envisioning an exclusivist, racist national entity that would be a colonial settlement, dispossessing of the Arab Palestinians, the overwhelming majority of the natives at the time. He became keenly aware of the problem and spoke his mind.
In a Letter to an Arab, March 15, 1930, (Ideas and Opinions) he wrote:
"What make the present position so bad is the fact that Jews and Arabs confront each other as opponents before the mandatory power. This state of affairs is unworthy of both nations and can only be altered by our finding a via media on which both sides agree." [p. 173]
By the early 1930s the issue of Arab-Jewish tension and the critical need for an amicable and just resolution became a dominant theme, in Einstein's writings and speeches. Point of note: he was actively involved in the early 1920s with a project to establish some sort of an intellectual/scholarly/spiritual center for the Jewish renaissance in "Palestine." He was particularly campaigning and fundraising for a world class Jewish university in that part of the world. He was also actively supporting and promoting development works in Palestine that would utilize the skills of the Jewish migrants, for the benefit of everyone in Palestine--Jews and Arabs.
In Addresses on Reconstruction in Palestine (Ideas and Opinions), Einstein articulates his view in no unclear terms that the solution must be a "just" and "advantageous partnership" involving the Arabs. This speech was given in 1931.
"Ten years ago, when I first had the pleasure of addressing you in behalf of the Zionist cause, almost all our hopes were still fixed on the future. Today we can look back on these ten years with joy; … The latest pronouncements of the British government indicate a return to a juster judgment of our case; …
But we must never forget what this crisis has taught us-namely, that the establishment of satisfactory relations between the Jews and the Arabs is not England's affair but ours. We-that is to say, the Arabs and ourselves-have got to agree on the main outlines of an advantageous partnership which shall satisfy the needs of both nations. A just solution of this problem and one worthy of both nations is an end no less important and no less worthy of our efforts than the promotion of the work of construction itself." [pp. 176-177]
By then, he was still referring to Herzl, but more in line with Ahad HaAm's cultural Zionism, seeking to establish "a spiritual center ... in Palestine."
"A decade or two ago a group of far-sighted men, among whom the unforgettable Herzl stood out above the rest, came to the conclusion that we needed a spiritual center in order to preserve our sense of solidarity in difficult times. Thus arose the idea of Zionism and the work of settlement in Palestine, the successful realization of which we have been permitted to witness, at least in its highly promising beginnings." [p. 177]
Even by the late 1920s, toward the end of his life, HaAm was already disillusioned.
"Toward the end of his life, when he had made it to Palestine but was unhappy at what he found there, he wrote, 'Are we really doing Zionism only to add in an Oriental corner a small people of new Levantines who vie with other Levantines in shedding blood? If this is to be the Messiah, then I do not wish to see his coming.'" [Sicherman, 2002]
Einstein was close to HaAm in pursuit of cultural Zionism and never embraced the idea of nationalism. He apparently believed: "Nationalism is an infantile sickness. It is the measles of the human race."3 [Link] Before the next excerpt, it is worth pointing out that in 1929 in A Letter to Professor Dr. Hellpach, Einstein seemed to use some nationalistic tone. By now, his thoughts have become unmistakably clear of any nationalism as well as political Zionism.
"The difficulties we have been through have also brought some good in their train. They have shown us once more how strong is the bond which unites the Jews of all countries in a common destiny. The crisis has also purified our attitude to the question of Palestine, purged it of the dross of nationalism. It has been clearly proclaimed that we are not seeking to create a political society, but that our aim is, in accordance with the old tradition of Jewry, a cultural one in the widest sense of the world. That being so, it is for us to solve the problem of living side by side with our brother the Arab in an open, generous, and worthy manner." [p. 178]
Although Einstein's identification and empathy with his own Jewish people had not changed by the early 1930s (and it never did), his primary loyalty to universal humanity kept him clear of political Zionism. He categorically disowned political Zionism.
"We need to pay greater attention to our relations with the Arabs. By cultivating these carefully we shall be able in future to prevent things from becoming so dangerously strained that people can take advantage of them to provoke acts of hostility. This goal is perfectly within our reach, because our work of construction has been, and must continue to be, carried out in such a manner as to serve the real interests of the Arab population also.
… For our community is not, and must never become, a political one; this is the only permanent source whence it can draw new strength and the only ground on which its existence can be justified." [p. 179]
"We nurse the hope of erecting in Palestine a home of our own national culture which shall help to awaken the Near East to new economic and spiritual life.
The object which the leaders of Zionism have before their eyes is not a political but a social and cultural one." [pp. 179-180]
As Einstein saw the Zionist movement taking decisively political direction, he shares his humanistic wisdom in Working Palestine, 1934 (Ideas and Opinions).
"It is, moreover, this working class alone that has the power to establish healthy relations with the Arabs, which is the most important political task of Zionism. Administrations come and go; but it is human relations that finally tune the scale in the lives of nations." [p. 183]
So, what about Einstein's debt to Zionism? Didn't he deliver an address entitled "Our Debt to Zionism"? Yes. On April 17, 1938 (Ideas and Opinions). By 1938 he had already distanced himself from political Zionism and in this speech, while acknowledging the debt, pride in his Jewish identity, and empathy for the Jewish struggle, he made it clear he was not supporting the creation of a Jewish state. He also stated that he didn't view political nationalism, which had by then gripped Zionism for a "Jewish state," as compatible with the longstanding legacy of Judaism.
"To be a Jew, after all, means first of all, to acknowledge and follow in practice those fundamentals in humaneness laid down in the Bible-fundamentals without which no sound and happy community of men can exist." [p. 189]
"Just one more personal word on the question of partition. I should much rather see reasonable agreement with the Arabs on the basis of living together in peace than the creation of a Jewish state. Apart from practical consideration, my awareness of the essential nature of Judaism resists the ideas of a Jewish state with borders, an army, and a measure of temporal power no matter how modest. I am afraid of the inner damage Judaism will sustain-especially from the development of a narrow nationalism within our own ranks, against which we have already had to fight strongly, even without a Jewish state. We are no longer the Jews of the Maccabee period. A return to a nation in the political sense of the word would be equivalent to turning away from the spiritualization of our community which we owe to the genius of our prophets." [p. 190]
Based on a joint British and American initiative, there was the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry in 1946 to examine the growing conflict between Jews and Arabs in the British Mandate of Palestine and to seek a solution. Einstein was among those prominent Jews who gave testimony before the Committee.
"In his testimony in January 1946 before the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, and in answer to the specific question whether refugee settlement in Palestine demanded a Jewish state, Einstein stated: 'The State idea is not according to my heart. I cannot understand why it is needed. It is connected with narrow-mindedness and economic obstacles. I believe that it is bad. I have always been against it. He went further to deride the concept of a Jewish commonwealth as an imitation of Europe, the end of which was brought about by nationalism.'" [Lilienthal, p. 1946]
The above statement of Einstein leaves no ambiguity about his actual position and role regarding the creation of the State of Israel.4 In February 16, 2005, the Guardian published an article titled "Einstein's other theory," by the controversial Israeli historian Benny Morris. It was based on some correspondence in 1947 between Einstein and Jawaharlal Nehru, and some pro-Zionist people have tried to use this correspondence to connect Einstein again to political Zionism. The article alleged: "In 1947 Zionist leaders asked Albert Einstein to work a miracle and persuade a sceptical India to support the birth of a Jewish state." I am yet to gain access to that correspondence. Regardless, the excerpts reflect the central position of that correspondence which was Einstein's affinity with cultural Zionism, as distinguished from political Zionism. This, presuming Einstein did not totally switch his publicly stated positions prior to and after that correspondence.
That he really did not switch his position can be corroborated by letters and/or statements of Einstein from the same period. Barbara Wolff, a staff with the Einstein Archive at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, brought to my attention a letter, dated Sept 24, 1948, to Einstein's friend Hans Mühsam who had lived in Palestine-Israel since the early 1930s. They were such close friends that Einstein dedicated, and also sent the very first printed copy of original German book On the Special and General Theory of Relativity, to Mühsam. [See the image of the inscription]. They shared common views on many issues, including Zionism and Israel. In the following letter to Mühsam, Einstein contends that the British Mandate power had caused the two parties - Jews and Arabs - to fight one another. The original quote in German is given in the endnote.
You are quite correct in what you're saying about the underhanded posture of England and America toward us [the Jews]. All the Arabs are only poor mercenaries who must carry their skin to market for that. [...] I also think that during these last years an understanding between us and the Arabs which could have led to a bi-national administration was no longer possible. Earlier, however - actually, since 1918 - we neglected the Arabs and trusted in the Englishmen over and over again. I never thought the state idea was a good one, for economic, political and military reasons. But now there is no way to reverse it and it must be contended with.. [Einstein Archive DB #38-380]5, 6
Wolff commented in an email: "It is true that here, Einstein seems to defend that 'there was no other choice' idea: bi-national administration no more possible. But this statement, out of context, is usually quoted as Einstein's enthusiastic support of the Jewish state. Yet it expresses actually bitter resignation in the face of a fait accompli, and a little hope that once, the struggle ends, reason will lead Jews and Arabs to an understanding." [email dated, 7/15/2006]
Just one year prior to that letter to Mühsam [i.e. 1948] - the letter to Nehru was signed & sent [June 13 1947, to be exact], the UN had not yet voted for separation - Einstein wrote to an unidentified Mr. Brainin in the US about his viewpoint:
"[I have] long-held [...] conviction [...] that for Palestine the only fair and suitable form of government is a bi-national arrangement. However, the management would have to be substantially taken over by the United Nations for the foreseeable future, because the political life of Palestine is thoroughly muddled and, therefore, the land is not ripe for political independence." [August, 6, 1947; Einstein Archive DB #57-685]7
Wolff commented in the same email: "Compared with what the letter to Nehru says, this statement must trouble the reader who does not know who indeed drafted the Nehru letter." In another personal email in response to my inquiry [July 12, 2006], Wolff shared some illuminating information, which is helpful to put the Einstein-Nehru correspondence in perspective: "the long letter to Nehru dated 06/13/1947, an item which recently made headlines, was composed by a journalist on behalf of the Zionists, and eventually discussed and signed by Einstein. As you know, Einstein used to (co)sign appeals and letters on behalf of issues he supported in general, even when particular formulations or subtleties did not express his personal opinion. The letter to Nehru has to be read with this reservation in mind."8
Wolff's comment is consistent with the fact that for letters to be signed or speeches to be delivered, Einstein often received drafts from ghostwriters. The Official Einstein Archive has online original as proof. [see Einstein Archive DB #28-867] This pertains to the draft of an address Einstein delivered at (or sent to) the dinner for the Israel Philharmonic Orchestra in 1950. Interestingly enough, some Zionists must have drafted the text containing some eulogistic expressions for Israel the main section of which Einstein crossed out, replacing it with his own words.
The original draft contained:
"Not only is it the cultural essence of a country sincerely devoted to freedom of the creative artist in every field, but also it is the concrete manifestation of the spiritual and moral stamina of the people of Israel.
The people of America will welcome this great orchestra because it is sent to us in a spirit of gratitude for the part we have played in helping to establish a democratic state of Israel. Israel's contribution to the beauty of living, like all artistic creations, will help not only Israel, but the entire Middle East."
Einstein crossed out the above part and replaced with his own, as following:
"The meaning of Israel lay always and still lies in the spiritual values which it creates and embodies. The new state should only be seen as a means to serve these ends efficiently, not as an end in itself or even as an instrument of political ambitions." (9)
The significance of this document is that it is dated almost three years after the letter to Nehru and two years after the State of Israel was founded. By now readers can draw their conclusion independently about New York Times' disingenuous claim about "Israel, whose establishment as a state he [i.e. Einstein] had championed".
Some specific questions
a. Did Einstein's position or attitude change after the establishment of Israel?
By 1949, political Zionism bore its fruit and Israel as the national homeland for the Jews became a reality. In appraising the situation, as in The Jews of Israel, November 27, 1949 (Ideas and Opinions), he still talked about the importance for this new nation to seek the ideal of "peace, based on understanding and self-restraint, and not on violence." One has to wonder, notwithstanding the antipathy of its neighbors, what would Einstein have thought of Israel's becoming a nuclear power and a bully of the Middle East.
"When appraising the achievement, however, let us not lose sight of the cause to be served by this achievement: rescue of our endangered brethren, dispersed in many lands, by uniting them in Israel; creation of a community which conforms as closely as possible to the ethical ideals of our people as they have been formed in the course of a long history.
One of these ideals is peace, based on understanding and self-restraint, and not on violence. If we are imbued with this ideal, our joy becomes somewhat mingled with sadness, because our relations with the Arabs are far from this ideal at the present time. It may well be that we would have reached this idea, had we been permitted to work out, undisturbed by others, our relations with our neighbors, for we want peace and we realize that our future development depends on peace.
It was much less our own fault or that our neighbors than of the Mandatory Power that we did not achieve an undivided Palestine in which Jews and Arabs would live as equals, free, in peace." [p. 201]
So, did Einstein somehow reconcile himself with the exclusivist Zionist entity of Israel and soften his position toward it? Hardly. As he was an avowed pacifist and against nationalism, by now he was more than disenchanted with the extremist tendency of the core leadership of the Zionist movement that virtually monopolized the new country's government. Dispossession of the Palestinians by the extremist groups (blessed by the Zionist government) for the Greater Israel had already started and the massacre of Deir Yassin had already been witnessed.
A number of prominent Jewish voices of conscience rose to the occasion and sent an Open Letter to New York Times. Lilienthal discussed and presented the Open Letter in his book.
"Congressman John F. Kennedy from Massachusetts wired the Chairman of the Committee (that organized the reception for Menachem Begin), author Louis Bromfield: 'Belatedly and for the record I wish to withdraw my name from the reception committee for Menachem Begin, former Irgun Commander. When accepting your invitation, I was ignorant of the true nature of his activities, and I wish to be disassociated from them completely.' The office of Congressman Joe Hendricks of Florida revealed that the congressman had been out of town and thus his name 'mistakenly' had been given to the Begin Committee. Several other Congressmen could not recall later whether they, or their office, had ever authorized the use of their names. Dr. Harry C. Byrd, President of the University of Maryland, said: 'Some people I know asked me if they could use my name as a member of the reception committee and I said they could. I didn't know who he was. I am not going to New York.' And so it went--after the damage had been done."
Albert Einstein, Sidney Hook, Hannah Arendt, and Seymour Milman were among the signatories to this letter, which appeared in the Times on December 4, 1948.
"Among the most disturbing political phenomena of our time is the emergence in the newly created state of Israel of the 'Freedom Party' . . . a political party closely akin in its organization, methods, political philosophy, and social appeal to the Nazi and Fascist parties. It was formed out of the membership and following of the former Irgun Zvai Leumi, a terrorist right-wing chauvinist organization in Palestine.
The current visit of Menachem Begin, leader of this party, to the United States is obviously calculated to give the impression of American support for his party in the coming Israeli elections, and to cement political ties with conservative Zionist elements in the United States. Several Americans of national repute have lent their names to welcome his visit. It is inconceivable that those who opposed fascism throughout the world, if currently informed as to Mr. Begin's political record and perspectives, could add their names and support to the movement he represents . . . A shocking example was their behavior in the Arab village of Deir Yassin . . . this incident exemplified the character and actions of the Freedom Party. Within the Jewish community they have preached an admixture of ultra-nationalism, religious mysticism, and racial superiority. Like other fascist parties, they have been used to break strikes, and have themselves pressed for the destruction of free trade unions.
The discrepancies between the bold claims now being made by Begin and his party, and their record of past performance in Palestine, bear the imprint of no ordinary political party. This is the unmistakable stamp of a Fascist party for whom terrorism (against Jews, Arabs, and British alike) and misrepresentation are means, and a 'Leader State' is the goal.
In the light of the foregoing consideration, it is imperative that the truth about Mr. Begin and his movement be made known in this country. It is all the more tragic that the top leadership of American Zionism has refused to campaign against Begin's efforts, or even to expose to its own constituents the dangers to Israel of support to Begin. The undersigned therefore take the means publicly presenting a few salient facts concerning Begin and his party, and of urging all concerned not to support this latest manifestation of fascism." [pp. 352-353]
b. Was he not involved with establishment and advancement of Jewish institutions of higher learning in before and after 1948?
Yes, he was. He was intimately involved with the founding and development of Hebrew University of Jerusalem, in particular. Indeed, that university is the host of official Einstein Archive as designated by Einstein. However, it needs to be recognized that, from the very earliest stage of his involvement since the 1920s, when he even toured the United States for such causes, his role was non-political. Otto Nathan and Heinz Norden in their book Einstein on Peace wrote:
"In 1921, Einstein made his first trip to the United States. He arrived in New York on April 2, 1921, in the company of Dr. Chaim Weizmann, leader of the Zionist movement. His pacifist activities were not widely known in America, and the trip had no political overtones. It sole purpose was to raise funds for the projected Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Due in part to the generosity of the American medical profession, the endeavor proved successful." [p. 45]
Who was Otto Nathan?
"Of those at his bedside, it was Otto Nathan, Einstein's loyal friend and adviser, whom he presumed would carry out his wishes. Nathan, a former financial counsellor to Germany's Weimar Republic, had taught economics at Princeton after fleeing the Nazis and was by this time an economics professor at New York University." [Guardian; edited extract from Possessing Genius: The Bizarre Odyssey of Einstein's Brain by Carolyn Abraham. Published by Icon Books in 2004]
During the 1920s Einstein was persuaded to become active for the Zionist cause. However, even when he was most active for the Zionist cause in 1920s and he joined Chaim Weizmann in the trip to USA Zionist leaders had no illusion about Einstein. Moreover, Zionists in America were warned about Einstein's eccentricities. Who doesn't know about Kurt Blumenfeld in the context of the Zionist movement? What he mentioned about Einstein remains an eye-opener.
The following excerpt is from the book Subtle is the Lord: The Science and the Life of Albert Einstein (Oxford University Press, 1982) by Abraham Pais. The author was a renowned theoretical physicist and scientific historian. He was also involved in the Zionist movement. In Pais' award-winning biography of Einstein, he wrote:
"There was one person who more than anyone else contributed to Einstein's awakening: Kurt Blumenfeld, from 1910 to 1914 secretary general of the Executive of World Zionist Organizations, which then had its seat in Berlin, and from 1924 to 1933 president of the Union of German Zionists. Ben Gurion called him the greatest moral revolutionary in the Zionist movement. He belonged to the seventh generation of emancipated German Jewry. In a beautiful essay, Blumenfeld has written of his discussions with Einstein in 1919, of his efforts 'to try to get out of a man what is hidden in him, and never to try to instill in a man what is not in his nature' [B3] It was Blumenfeld whom Einstein often entrusted in later years with the preparation of statements in his name on Zionist issues. It was also Blumenfeld who was able to convince Einstein that he ought to join Weizmann on a visit to the United States (April 2 - May 30, 1921) in order to raise funds for the planned Hebrew University. Blumenfeld understood the man he was dealing with. After having convinced Einstein, he wrote to Weizmann, 'As you know, Einstein is no Zionist, and I beg you not to make any attempt to prevail on him to join our organization. ... I heard ... that you expect Einstein to give speeches. Please be quite careful with that. Einstein ... often says things out of naiveté which are unwelcome by us' [B4]." [p. 315]
Jessica Heckman further clarifies:
"Though critical of most political organizations, Einstein was willing to associate himself with certain causes to solve current, mounting social crises. After World War I he first became involved with Zionism to counteract the rising anti-Semitism in Germany. In the 1870s, Zionism had emerged as an international movement espousing the creation of a Jewish state. Theodor Herzl, the father of political Zionism, believed this to be the only way Jews could gain acceptance from the world. Einstein's friend Kurt Blumenfeld, a German Zionist leader,** claimed credit for Einstein's "conversion" to Zionism in 1920, ... 'Conversion' is a loaded term, implying that Einstein was inspired by Blumenfeld to place unquestioning faith in the Zionist project. If we examine Einstein's own words, however, this is clearly not the case. Rather, while affiliating himself with Zionism, he preserved a skeptical distance from it. In 1919 Einstein claimed, 'I am as a human being an opponent of nationalism, but as a Jew I am from today a supporter of the Jewish Zionist efforts.'** Einstein here pointedly refers to himself as a "supporter" of Zionism rather than a 'Zionist' or 'believer' in Zionism,** thereby aligning himself with the project of founding a Jewish state and at the same time placing himself at one remove from this project. Furthermore, he counterbalances support for the Zionist cause with an abiding supranationalism. This balancing act opened up a space for skepticism that he preserved throughout his involvement with Zionism." [2005; see the link in the bibliography; asterisks represent numbered annotations]
c. Has the propaganda about Einstein's support for the State of Israel stopped?
Not at all. Just like Alfred Lilienthal had his encounter with the New York Times, I had a brief encounter with The Independent of United Kingdom. In a letter to the Independent [January 11, 2005], Dr. Colin Shindler, a lecturer in Israeli and Modern Jewish Studies and Chair, Centre for Jewish Studies at University of London, accused me of distorting the history about the relationship between Einstein and Zionism. He wrote: "He (Einstein) never renounced his Zionism."
The fact is nowhere on my essay did I state, or imply, that Einstein had renounced Zionism. To my surprise when I responded with the above excerpt from Pais' book, quoting Kurt Blumenfeld that "Einstein is no Zionist," the editor-in-charge of the section refused to publish it. According to the paper the refusal was due to the time lapse, after Dr. Shindler's accusation was published. Of no consequence did it seem that neither Dr Shindler nor the paper had the courtesy to notify me of the accusation, which caused the delay.
In short Einstein is still being claimed as a Zionist and as a patron/champion of Israel, while factual remarks to the contrary are being suppressed by the media.
d. How in the world Einstein was offered the presidency of Israel?
In his accusation of me for distortions regarding Einstein, Dr. Colin Shindler resorted to a circular argument: "If Einstein wasn't a Zionist, it was a bit odd of Ben-Gurion to ask him to stand as second President of Israel in 1952."
It projects allusions of a sound argument only by camouflaging its circular conclusion, which would have been something like: "Therefore, Einstein was a Zionist." However, in Albert Einstein: A Biography (Viking, 1997), Albrecht Folsing shares the following revelation about the offer to Einstein to become Israel's president: "While Ben-Gurion was awaiting Einstein's decision, he asked his assistant, the future president Yitzak Navon, over a cup of coffee: 'Tell me what to do if he says yes! I have had to offer the post to him because it's impossible not to. But if he accepts we're in for trouble.'" [p. 735]
Thus, it is evident that while Israel was trying to recruit a good name for public diplomacy, it was not a sincere offer. Zionist leaders were in fact quite concerned if Einstein did decide to accept the offer. It seems reasonable to wonder whether Dr. Shindler didn't know about the suspicion expressed by Ben Gurion, or did he simply choose to ignore it?
Conclusion
Einstein was a universal humanist and also deeply conscious and proud of his Jewish heritage. He empathized with the Jewish people that had suffered throughout history, which was only worsening during his lifetime. Parallel to his life as a scientist, he gradually became attached to the Jewish plight, active in seeking solution to the Jewish problem. As early as in the 1920s he came in close contact with prominent Zionist leaders, such as Kurt Blumenfeld, Dr. Chaim Weizmann, et al. Einstein made sincere efforts to bring his good name to the cause of his people's plight, but avoided mixing his empathy for them with the political aspirations of Zionism.
Einstein never identified with political Zionism. He associated himself with cultural Zionism instead, which was focused on a spiritual revival of the Jewish heritage. As a universal humanist and an eminent bridge-builder, he believed that such revival, especially in a designated place like Palestine, would not only help address the Jewish plight, but also serve the humanity in general and the people of Palestine in particular. He categorically rejected nationalism and the exclusivist political Zionism. He also believed in a binational solution, where Arabs and Jews would live in harmony as equals in a single, free society.
Thus, if support for any form of Zionism would be adequate to label Einstein as a Zionist, he can be labeled so. However, there is a common tendency to use Zionism and political Zionism synonymously. When it is used in that way, Einstein was not a Zionist. Of course, Einstein's own words, as documented in this essay, is sufficient to establish that point. Also, only in this perspective, one can understand and appreciate the comment of one of the leading Zionists, Kurt Blumenfeld: "Einstein is no Zionist."
*This is an updated version of the original write-up in January 2000.
Acknowledgment: I am thankful to Syed Munir Islam for his editorial assistance. I am also grateful to Jacques Chauveheid (a Belgian physicist) for a key piece of information, Barbara Wolff (a staff with Einstein Archive at Hebrew University of Jerusalem) for sharing some valuable information and/or perspective pertinent to this article, and to Aaron Bicknese (a teacher of German at North Fayette High School, West Union, Iowa) for help with the translation of some of the excerpts in German.
Endnotes:
1. This has changed since the writing and availability of this article online [January 2000]
2. The citation has been added recently. It wasn't there when this essay was originally put on line. Possibly someone pointed out the lapse and it has been addressed.
3. This is one of the popular quotations attributed to Einstein. However, quite remarkably, there is no source provided. At least, I have not come across any. To verify this quotation, I contacted the Official Einstein Archive at Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Here is what Barbara Wolff of the Archive wrote to me (July 5, 2006): "The quote was published as one of the statements Einstein made in an interview with G.S. Viereck in 1929, an interviewer I do in no way consider a reliable person. However, asked many years later if Einstein indeed had said it, his secretary replied that while she cannot find a reference, Einstein was of the opinion that he might have said so, and therefore the quote could be considered authentic."
4. Some people either misread Einstein's testimony or distorted its content, describing it as pro-Zionist. Einstein did call for a Jewish homeland, which must be understood in the light of his consistent views articulated over the preceding decades.
In 1946, with hundreds of thousands of European Jews still 'displaced' and with the victorious allies unwilling to absorb even a portion of the refugee population, Einstein appeared before an Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry on Palestine, calling for a 'Jewish homeland.' The Zionist establishment seemed to have intentionally misread this as a call for Jewish sovereignty, so with help from his friend Rabbi Stephen Wise, he clarified his position. Jews, he said, should be able to migrate freely within the limits of the economic absorptive possibilities of Palestine, which in turn should have a government that made sure there was no "'Majorisation' of one group by the other." Resisting Wise's demands for a more forceful statement, Einstein replied that a 'rigid demand for a Jewish State will have only undesirable results for us.' Radical journalist I. F. Stone praised him for rising above 'ethnic limitations.' (Einstein later became a charter subscriber to I. F. Stone's Weekly.) [John J. Simon. "Albert Einstein, Radical: A Political Profile," Monthly Review, May 2005.
5. The original quote in German:
"Sie haben ganz recht mit dem, was Sie über die hinterhältige Haltung von England und Amerika uns [the Jews] gegenueber sagen. Die ganzen Araber sind ja nur armselige Söldner, die für jene ihre Haut zu Markte tragen müssen. [...] Ich denke auch, dass in diesen letzten Jahren eine Verständigung zwischen uns und den Arabern nicht mehr möglich war, die zu einer bi-nationalen Verwaltung hätte führen können. Früher aber - eigentlich seit 1918 - haben wir die Araber vernachlässigt und auf die Engländer immer wieder vertraut. Die Staatsidee habe ich nie für gut gehalten, aus wirtschaftlichen, politischen und militärischen Gründen. Aber nun gibt es kein Zurück mehr und es muss ausgefochten werden." [as sent by Barbara Wolff]
6. I was somewhat confused about this sentence: "All the Arabs are only poor mercenaries who must carry their skin to market for that." In an email [July 16, 2006] in response to my question, Barbara Wolff wrote: "The sentence you highlighted refers to the fact that the Arabs (like the Jews, by the way) were promised a lot by the Brits, each time according to the British needs and British politics. But while the Jews had their own agenda etc., the Arabs, less versed in politics, became more easily the cue ball (?) = the victim, the mercenaries of the British politics."
7. The original quote in German:
"längst gehegte [...] Ueberzeugung [...], dass für Palästina eine bi-nationale Regierungsform die einzig gerechte und zweckmässige ist. Die Verwaltung müsste aber im Wesentlichen auf absehbare Zeit von den United Nations übernommen werden, da das politische Leben Palästinas gründlich verfahren und das Land deshalb für politische Unabhängigkeit nicht reif ist." (August 6, 1947) [as sent by Barbara Wolff]
8. "The name of the journalist who drafted the letter after having discussed the issue with Einstein is Chaim Greenberg. He was working for the Jewish Chronicle. This information stems from a note Einstein's secretary Helen Dukas forwarded, with the copy of the letter, to Otto Nathan, the co-trustee of Einstein's estate." The preceding information was sent to me by Barbara Wolff in an email [July 16, 2006].
9. The original quote in German:
"Die Bedeutung Israels lag immer und liegt noch immer in den geistigen und spirituellen Werten, die es schafft und verkörpert. Der neue Staat soll nur als ein Mittel angesehen werden, diesen Zielen wirksam zu dienen, nicht als Selbstzweck oder gar als ein Instrument politischer Ambitionen." [as sent by Barbara Wolff]
Bibliography
Eugene Borowitz. Excerpts from Exploring Jewish Ethics, Papers on Covenant Responsibility (Detroit: Wayne State University, 1990): pp. 26-36, in the Journal of Textual Reasoning, Vol. 1, July 1, 1991.
Albert Einstein. Ideas and Opinions [New York: Bonanza Books, 1986]
Albert Einstein. Out of My Later Years [New York: Philosophical Library, 1950]
Jessica Heckman. "Action at a Distance: Einstein as Activist," Vassar College Archive and Special Collections. 2005
Alfred Lilienthal. The Zionist Connection: What Price Peace? [New York: Middle East Perspectives, 1979]
Otto Nathan and Heinz Norden (eds.). Einstein on Peace [New York: Avenel Books, 1968]
Harvey Sicherman. "The Sacred and the Profane: Judaism and International Relations," Volume 10, Number 1, January 2002.
U.S. Library of Congress_1. "Political Zionism" [Country Studies; Online]
U.S. Library of Congress_2. "Cultural Zionism" [Country Studies; Online]
Additional reading:
1. The 1948 Letter of some Eminent Jews to New York Times (Albert Einstein was one of the signatories condemning the Fascist and Nazi-like nature of the new State of Israel)
2. Letter to the Editor of the Palestinian Arab Newspaper "Falastin" [January 28, 1930]
3. Excerpt from 'Subtle is the Lord...': The Science and the Life of Albert Einstein.
4. Criticism of the above essay in a Letter by Dr. Colin Shindler (University of London) in The Independent
5. My response sent to the Independent on October 12, 2005
Source: GlobalWebPost;
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He is mostly remembered as a great scientist, but as he said himself, "My life is divided between equations and politics." [see full article sourced below]. To my mind, he personified the wisdom inherent in modern humanistic philosophy. Although he used the word "God" frequently, he used it in the metaphorical sense that genuinely spiritual people do (such people are overwhelmingly agnostic and/or secular).
A strong internationalist, Einstein felt that "nationalism is an infantile disease. It is the measles of mankind" (page 144). He appreciated the need for state sovereignty to protect oneself from imperialism, but loathed the transformation of this need into the myth of nationalist chauvinism. A strong supporter of Israel, Einstein nonetheless felt that he would rather "see a reasonable agreement with the Arabs based on living together in peace than the creation of a Jewish state." In a letter to Chaim Weizman, Israel's first President, Einstein wrote, "If we do not succeed in finding the path of honest cooperation and coming to terms with the Arabs, we will not have learned anything from our two-thousand-year ordeal and will deserve the fate which will beset us." When Weizman died in 1952, Prime Minister David Ben Gurion asked Einstein if he would be the President of Israel, but he declined. A few years later, Einstein noted presciently, "The most important aspect of [Israel's] policy must be our ever-present, manifest desire to institute complete equality for the Arab citizens living in our midst. The attitude we adopt toward the Arab minority will provide the real test of our moral standards as a people."